Chapter 18: Letter from a Birmingham Jail
In the entire country,
there was no place to compare with Birmingham. The largest industrial
city in the South, Birmingham had become, in the thirties, a symbol
for bloodshed when trade unions sought to organize. It was a community
in which human rights had been trampled on for so long that fear
and oppression were as thick in its atmosphere as the smog from
its factories. Its financial interests were interlocked with a power
structure which spread throughout the South and radiated into the
North. The challenge to nonviolent, direct action could not have
been staged in a more appropriate arena.
you had visited Birmingham before the third of April in the one
hundredth-anniversary year of the Negro's emancipation, you might
have come to a startling conclusion. You might have concluded that
here was a city which had been trapped for decades in a Rip Van
Winkle slumber; a city whose fathers had apparently never heard
of Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Jefferson, the Bill of Rights, the Preamble
to the Constitution, The Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments,
or the 1954 decision of the United States Supreme Court outlawing
segregation in the public schools.
If your powers of imagination
are great enough to enable you to place yourself in the position
of a Negro baby born and brought up to physical maturity in Birmingham,
you would picture your life in the following manner:
You would be born in a
Jim Crow hospital to parents who probably lived in a ghetto. You
would attend a Jim Crow school. You would spend your childhood playing
mainly in the streets because the "colored" parks were abysmally
inadequate. When a federal court order banned park segregation,
you would find that Birmingham closed down its parks and gave up
its baseball team rather than integrate them.
If you went shopping with
your mother or father, you would trudge along as they purchased
at every counter except one, in the large or small stores. If you
were hungry or thirsty, you would have to forget about it until
you got back to the Negro section of town, for in your city it was
a violation of the law to serve food to Negroes at the same counter
If your family attended church, you would go to a Negro church. If you attended your own Negro church and wanted to play safe, you might select a church that didn't have a pastor with a reputation for speaking out on civil rights. If you wanted to visit a church attended by white people, you would not be welcome. For although your white fellow citizens would insist that they were Christians, they practiced segregation as rigidly in the house of God as they did in the theater.
If you wanted to contribute to and be a part of the work of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, you would not have been able to join a local branch. In the state of Alabama, segregationist authorities had been successful in enjoining the NAACP from performing its civil rights work by declaring it a "foreign corporation" and rendering its activities illegal.
If you wanted a job in
this city-one of the greatest iron- and steel producing centers
in the nation-you had better settle on doing menial work as a porter
or laborer. If you were fortunate enough to get a job, you could
expect that promotions to a better status or more pay would come,
not to you, but to a white employee regardless of your comparative
If you believed your history
books and thought of America as a country whose governing officials-whether
city, state, or nationare selected by the governed, you would be
swiftly disillusioned when you tried to exercise your right to register
and vote. Your race, constituting two-fifths of the city's population,
would have made up one-eighth of its voting strength.
You would be living in a city where brutality directed against Negroes was an unquestioned and unchallenged reality. One of the city commissioners, a member of the body that ruled municipal affairs, would be Eugene "Bull" Connor, a racist who prided himself on knowing how to handle the Negro and keep him in his "place." As commissioner of public safety, Bull Connor, entrenched for many years in a key position in the Birmingham power structure, displayed as much contempt for the rights of the Negro as he did defiance for the authority of the federal government.
You would have found a
general atmosphere of violence and brutality in Birmingham. Local
racists intimidated, mobbed, and even killed Negroes with impunity.
One of the more vivid examples of the terror of Birmingham was the
castration of a Negro man, whose mutilated body had then been abandoned
on a lonely road. No Negro home was protected from bombings and
burnings. From the year 1957
1963, while Birmingham was still
claiming that its Negroes were "satisfied," seventeen unsolved bombings
of Negro churches and homes of civil rights leaders occurred.
In Connor's Birmingham,
the silent password was fear. It was a fear not only on the part
of the black oppressed, but also in the hearts of the white oppressors.
Certainly Birmingham had its white moderates who disapproved of
Bull Connor's tactics. Certainly Birmingham had its decent white
citizens who privately deplored the maltreatment of Negroes. But
they remained publicly silent. It was a silence born of fear-fear
of social, political, and economic reprisals. The ultimate tragedy
of Birmingham was not the brutality of the bad people, but the silence
of the good people.
In Birmingham, you would
be living in a community where the white man's long-lived tyranny
had cowed your people, led them to abandon hope, and developed in
them a false sense of inferiority. You would be living in a city
where the representatives of economic and political power refused
to even discuss social justice with the leaders of your people.
You would be living in the largest city of a police state, presided over by a governor-George Wallace-whose inauguration vow had been a pledge of "segregation now, segregation tomorrow, segregation forever!" You would be living, in fact, in the most segregated city in America.
There was one threat to the reign of white supremacy in Birmingham. As an outgrowth of the Montgomery bus boycott, protest movements had sprung up in numerous cities across the South. In Birmingham, one of the nation's most courageous freedom fighters, the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth, had organized the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights-ACHR-in the spring of 1956. Shuttlesworth a wiry, energetic, and indomitable man, had set out to change Birmingham and to end for all time the terrorist, racist rule of Bull Connor.
When Shuttlesworth first formed his organization-which soon became one of the eighty-five affiliates of our Southern Christian Leadership Conference-Bull Connor doubtless regarded the group as just another bunch of troublesome "niggers." It soon became obvious even to Connor, however, that Shuttlesworth was in dead earnest. Back at Christmas 1956, Shuttlesworth's home was bombed and completely demolished. In the winter of 1956, his church, Bethel Baptist, was dynamited by racists, and later in 1957, Shuttlesworth and his wife were mobbed, beaten, and stabbed. They were also jailed eight times, four times during the Freedom Rides.
At the May
1962 board meeting of SCLC at Chattanooga,
we decided to give serious consideration to joining Shuttlesworth
and the ACHR in a massive direct action campaign to attack segregation
in Birmingham. Along with Shuttlesworth, we believed that while
a campaign in Birmingham would surely be the toughest fight of our
civil rights careers, it could, if successful, break the back
of segregation all over the nation. A victory there might well set
forces in motion to change the entire course of the drive for freedom
and justice. Because we were convinced of the significance of the
job to be done in Birmingham, we decided that the most thorough
planning and prayerful preparation must go into the effort. We began
to prepare a top secret file which we called "Project C"-the "C"
for Birmingham's Confrontation
with the fight for justice and
morality in race relations.
In preparation for our
campaign, I called a three-day retreat and planning session with
SCLC staff and board members at our training center near Savannah,
Georgia. Here we sought to perfect a timetable and discuss every
possible eventuality. In analyzing our campaign in Albany, Georgia,
we decided that one of the principal mistakes we had made there
was to scatter our efforts too widely. We had been so involved in
attacking segregation in general that we had failed to direct our
protest effectively to any one main facet. We concluded that in
hard-core communities, a more effective battle could be waged if
it was concentrated against one aspect of the evil and intricate
system of segregation. We decided, therefore, to center the Birmingham
struggle on the business community, for we knew that the Negro population
had sufficient buying power so that its withdrawal could make the
difference between profit and loss for many businesses.
Two weeks after the retreat, I went to Birmingham with my able executive assistant, the Reverend Wyatt Tee Walker, and my abiding friend and fellow campaigner from the days of Montgomery, the Reverend Ralph Abernathy, SCLC's treasurer. There we began to meet with the board of ACHR to assist in preparing the Negro community for what would surely be a difficult, prolonged, and dangerous campaign.
We met in the now famous
Room 30 of the Gaston Motel. This room, which housed Ralph and myself,
and served as the headquarters for all the strategy sessions in
subsequent months, would later be the target of one of the bombs
on the fateful and violent Saturday night of May 11, the eve of
The first major decision
we faced was setting the date for launching of "Project C." Since
it was our aim to bring pressure to bear on the merchants, we felt
that our campaign should be mounted around the Easter season-the
second biggest shopping period of
the year. If we started the first
week of March, we would have sip weeks to mobilize the community
before Easter, which fell on April 14. But at this point we were
reminded that a mayoralty election was to be held in Birmingham
on March 5.
The leading candidates
were Albert Boutwell, Eugene "Bull' Connor, and Tom King. All were
segregationists, running on a plat form to preserve the status quo.
Yet both King and Boutwell were considered moderates in comparison
to Connor. We were hopeful that Connor would be so thoroughly defeated
that at least we would not have to deal with him. Since we did not
want our campaign to be used as a political football, we decided
to postpone it, planning to begin demonstrations two weeks after
1, 1963, the project was in high
gear and the loos ends of organizational structure were being pulled
together. Some 250
people had volunteered to participate in the initial demonstrations
and had pledged to remain in jail at least five days.
At this point the results
of the March 5
election intervened to pose a serious new problem. No candidate
had won a clear victory There would have to be a runoff vote, to
be held the first week in April. The competing candidates were to
be Boutwell and Connor.
Again we had to remap strategy.
Had we moved in while Connor and Boutwell were electioneering, Connor
would undoubtedly have capitalized on our presence by using it as
an emotion-charged issue for his own political advantage, waging
a vigorous campaign to persuade the white community that he, and
he alone, could defend the city's official policies of segregation.
We might actually have had the effect of helping Connor win. Reluctantly,
we decided to postpone the demonstrations until the day after the
We left Birmingham sadly,
realizing that after this second delay the intensive groundwork
we had done in the Negro community might not bring the effective
results we sought. We were leaving some
250 volunteers who had been willing to join our ranks and to go
to jail. Now we might lose contact with these recruits for several
weeks. Yet we dared not remain. It was agreed that no member of
the SCLC staff would return to Birmingham until after the runoff.
In New York City, Harry
Belafonte, an old friend and supporter of SCLC, agreed to call a
meeting at his apartment. Approximately seventyfive leading New
Yorkers were present. Fred Shuttlesworth and I spoke of the problems
then existing in Birmingham and those we anticipated. We explained
why we had delayed taking action until after the runoff, and why
we felt it necessary to proceed with our plans whether Connor or
Boutwell was the eventual victor. When we had finished, the most
frequent question was: "What can we do to help?"
We answered that we were certain to need tremendous sums of money for bail bonds. We might need public meetings to organize more support. On the spot, Harry Belafonte organized a committee, and money was pledged that same night. For the next three weeks, Belafonte, who never did anything without getting totally involved, gave up his career to organize people and money. With these contacts established, the time had come to return to Birmingham. The runoff election was April 2. We flew in the same night. By word of mouth, we set about trying to make contact with our 250 volunteers for an unadvertised meeting. About sixty-five came out. The following day, with the modest task force, we launched the directaction campaign in Birmingham.
On Wednesday, April
the Birmingham News
appeared on the stands, its front page bright
with a color drawing showing a golden sun rising over the city.
It was captioned: "New Day Dawns for Birmingham," and celebrated
Albert Boutwell's victory in the runoff vote for mayor. The golden
glow of racial harmony, the headline implied, could now be expected
to descend on the city. As events were to show, it was indeed a
new day for Birmingham; but not because Boutwell had won the election.
For all the optimism expressed
in the press and elsewhere, we were convinced that Albert Boutwell
was, in Fred Shuttlesworth's apt phrase, "just a dignified Bull
Connor." We knew that the former state senator and lieutenant governor
had been the principal author of Alabama's Pupil Placement Law,
and was a consistent supporter of segregationist views. His statement
a few days after election that "we citizens of Birmingham respect
and understand one another" showed that he understood nothing about
two-fifths of Birmingham's citizens, to whom even polite segregation
was no respect.
Meanwhile, despite the
results of the runoff, the city commissioners, including Bull Connor,
had taken the position that they could not legally be removed from
office until 1965.
They would go into the courts to defend their
position, and refused in the interim to move out of their City Hall
offices. If they won in court they would remain in office for another
two years. If they lost, their terms would still not expire until
the day after Easter. In either case, we were committed to enter
a situation in which a city was operating literally under two governments.
We had decided to limit the first few days' efforts to sit-ins. Being prepared for a long struggle, we felt it best to begin modestly, with a limited number of arrests each day. By rationing our energies in this manner, we would help toward the buildup and drama of a growing campaign. The first demonstrations were, accordingly, not spectacular, but they were well organized. After the first day we held a mass meeting, the first of sixty-five nightly meetings conducted at various churches in the Negro community. Through these meetings we were able to generate the power and depth which finally galvanized the entire Negro community. I spoke at the mass meetings nightly on the philosophy of nonviolence and its methods.
An important part of the mass meetings was the freedom songs. In a sense the freedom songs are the soul of the movement. They are more than just incantations of clever phrases designed to invigorate a campaign; they are as old as the history of the Negro in America. They are adaptations of songs the slaves sang-the sorrow songs, the shouts for joy, the battle hymns, and the anthems of our movement. I have heard people talk of their beat and rhythm, but we in the movement are as inspired by their words. "Woke Up This Morning with My Mind Stayed on Freedom" is a sentence that needs no music to make its point. We sing the freedom songs for the same reason the slaves sang them, because we too are in bondage and the songs add hope to our determination that "We shall overcome, Black and white together, We shall overcome someday." These songs bound us together, gave us courage together, helped us march together. We could walk toward any Gestapo force. We had cosmic companionship, for we were singing, "Come By Me, Lord, Come By Me.
With this music, a rich
heritage from our ancestors who had the stamina and the moral fiber
to be able to find beauty in broken fragments of music, whose illiterate
minds were able to compose eloquently simple expressions
of faith and hope and idealism, we can articulate our deepest groans
and passionate yearnings-and end always on a note of hope that God
is going to help us work it out, right here in the South where evil
stalks the life of a Negro from the time he is placed in
his cradle. Through this music, the Negro is able to dip down into
wells of a deeply pessimistic situation and danger-fraught circumstances
and to bring forth a marvelous, sparkling, fluid optimism. He knows
it is still dark in his world, but somehow, he finds a ray of light.
Toward the end of the mass meetings, Abernathy or Shuttlesworth or I would extend an appeal for volunteers to serve in our nonviolent army. We made it clear that we would not send anyone out to demonstrate who had not convinced himself and us that he could accept and endure violence without retaliating. At the same time, we urged the volunteers to give up any possible weapons that they might have on their persons. Hundreds of people responded to this appeal. Some of those who carried penknives, Boy Scout knives-all kinds of knives-had them not because they wanted to use them against the police or other attackers, but because they wanted to defend themselves against Mr. Connor's dogs. We proved to them that we needed no weapons-not so much as a toothpick. We proved that we possessed the most formidable weapon of all-the conviction that we were right. We had the protection of our knowledge that we were more concerned about realizing our righteous aims than about saving our skins.
The invitational periods
at the mass meetings, when we asked for
volunteers, were much like those invitational periods that occur
every Sunday morning in Negro churches, when the pastor projects
the call to those present to join the church. By twenties and thirties
and forties, people came forward to join our army. We did not hesitate
to call our movement an army. It was a special army, with no supplies
but its sincerity, no uniform but its determination, no arsenal
except its faith, no currency but its conscience. It was an army
that would move but not maul. It was an army that would sing but
We were seeking to bring
about a great social change which could only be achieved through
unified effort. Yet our community was divided. Our goals could never
be attained in such an atmosphere. It was decided that we would
conduct a whirlwind campaign of meetings with organizations and
leaders in the Negro community, to seek to mobilize every key person
and group behind our movement.
Along with members of my
staff, I began addressing numerous groups representing a cross section
of our people in Birmingham. I spoke to business and professional
people, and I talked to a gathering of two hundred ministers. I
met with many smaller groups, during a hectic oneweek schedule.
In most cases, the atmosphere when I entered was tense and chilly,
and I was aware that there was a great deal of work to be done.
I went immediately to the
point, explaining why we had been forced to proceed without letting
them know the date in advance. I dealt with the argument of timing.
To the ministers I stressed the need for a social gospel to supplement
the gospel of individual salvation. I suggested that only a "dry
as dust" religion prompts a minister to extol the glories of heaven
while ignoring the social conditions that cause men an earthly hell.
I pleaded for the projections of strong, firm leadership by the
Negro minister, pointing out that he is freer, more independent,
than any other person in the community.
I challenged those who
had been persuaded that I was an "outsider." I pointed out that
as president of SCLC, I had come in the interests of aiding an SCLC
affiliate. I expounded on the weary and worn "outsider" charge,
which we have faced in every community where we have gone to try
to help. No Negro, in fact, no American, is an outsider when he
goes to any community to aid the cause of freedom
and justice. No Negro anywhere, regardless of his social standing,
his financial status, his prestige and position, is an outsider
so long as dignity and decency are denied to the humblest black
child in Mississippi, Alabama, or Georgia.
Somehow God gave me the power to transform the resentments, the suspicions, the fears, and the misunderstanding I found that week into faith and enthusiasm. I spoke from my heart, and out of each meeting came firm endorsements and pledges of participation and support. With the new unity that developed, and now poured fresh blood into our protest, the foundations of the old order were doomed. A new order was destined to be born, and not all the powers of bigotry or Bull Connor could abort it.
Birmingham residents of
both races were surprised at the restraint of Connor's men at the
beginning of the campaign. True, police dogs and clubs made their
debut on Palm Sunday, but their appearance that day was brief, and
they quickly disappeared. What observers probably did not realize
was that the commissioner was trying to take a leaf from the book
of Police Chief Laurie Pritchett of Albany. Chief Pritchett felt
that by directing his police to be nonviolent, he had discovered
a new way to defeat the demonstrations. Mr. Connor, as it developed,
was not to adhere to nonviolence long; the dogs were baying in kennels
not far away; the hoses were primed.
A second reason Bull Connor
had held off at first was that he thought he had found another way
out. This became evident on April 10, when the city government obtained
a court injunction directing us to cease our activities until our
right to demonstrate had been argued in court. The time had now
come for us to counter their legal maneuver with a strategy of our
own. Two days later, we did an audacious thing, something we had
never done in any other crusade. We disobeyed a court order.
I had intended to be one of the first to set the example of civil disobedience. Ten days after the demonstrations began, between four hundred and five hundred people had gone to jail; some had been released on bail, but about three hundred remained. Now that the job of unifying the Negro community had been accomplished my time had come. We decided that, because of its symbolic significance, April 12, Good Friday, would be the day that Ralph Abernathy and I would present our bodies as personal witness in this crusade.
Soon after we announced our intention to lead a demonstration or April 12 and submit to arrest, we received a message so distressing that it threatened to ruin the movement. Late Thursday night, the bondsman who had been furnishing bail for the demonstrators notified us that he would be unable to continue. The city notified him that his financial assets were insufficient. Obviously, this was another move on the part of the city to hurt our cause.
It was a serious blow.
We had used up all the money we had on hand for cash bonds.
We had a moral responsibility for our people in jail. Fifty more
were to go in with Ralph and me. This would be the largest single
group to be arrested to date. Without bail facilities, how could
we guarantee their eventual release?
Good Friday morning, early,
I sat in Room 30 of the Gaston Motel discussing this crisis with
twenty-four key people. As we talked, a sense of doom began to pervade
the room. I looked about me and saw that for the first time our
most dedicated and devoted leaders were overwhelmed by a feeling
of hopelessness. No one knew what to say, for no one knew what to
do. Finally someone spoke up and, as he spoke, I could see that
he was giving voice to what was on everyone's mind.
"Martin," he said, "this
means you can't go to jail. We need money. We need a lot of money.
We need it now. You are the only one who has the contacts to get
it. If you go to jail, we are lost. The battle of Birmingham is
I sat there, conscious
of twenty-four pairs of eyes. I thought about the people in the
jail. I thought about the Birmingham Negroes already lining the
streets of the city, waiting to see me put into practice what I
had so passionately preached. How could my failure now to submit
to arrest be explained to the local community? What would be the
verdict of the country about a man who had encouraged hundreds of
people to make a stunning sacrifice and then excused himself?
Then my mind began to race
in the opposite direction. Suppose I went to jail? What would happen
to the three hundred? Where would the money come from to assure
their release? What would happen to our campaign? Who would be willing
to follow us into jail, not knowing when or whether he would
ever walk out once more into the Birmingham sunshine?
I sat in the midst of the
deepest quiet I have ever felt, with two dozen others in the room.
There comes a time in the atmosphere of leadership when a man surrounded
by loyal friends and allies realizes he has come face-to-face with
himself and with ruthless reality. I was alone in that crowded room.
I walked to another room in the back of the suite, and I stood in the center of the floor. I thought I was standing at the center of all that my life had brought me to be. I thought of the twenty-four people, waiting in the next room. I thought of the three hundred, waiting in prison. I thought of the Birmingham Negro community, waiting. Then my tortured mind leaped beyond the Gaston Motel, past the city jail, past the city and state lines, and I thought of the twenty million black people who dreamed that someday they might be able to cross the Red Sea of injustice and find their way into the promised land of integration and freedom. There was no more room for doubt.
I whispered to myself, "I must go."
The doubt, the fear, the hesitation was gone. I pulled off my shirt and pants, got into work clothes, and went back to the other room. "Friends," I said, "I've made my decision. I have to make a faith act. I don't know what will happen or what the outcome will be. I don't know where the money will come from."
I turned to Ralph Abernathy. "I know you have a need to be in your pulpit on Easter Sunday, Ralph. But I am asking you to take this faith act with me."
As Ralph stood up, unquestioningly, without hesitation, we all linked hands involuntarily, almost as if there had been some divine signal, and twentyfive voices in Room 30 at the Gaston Motel in Birmingham, Alabama, chanted the battle hymn of our movement, "We Shall Overcome."
We rode from the motel
to the Zion Hill church, where the march would begin. Many hundreds
of Negroes had turned out to see us and great hope grew within me
as I saw those faces smiling approval as
we passed. It seemed that every Birmingham police officer had been
sent into the area. Leaving the church, where we were joined by
the rest of our group of fifty, we started down the forbidder streets
that lead to the downtown sector. It was a beautiful march We were
allowed to walk farther than the police had ever permitted before.
We were singing, and occasionally the singing was interspersed with
bursts of applause from the sidewalks.
As we neared the downtown
area, Bull Connor ordered his men to arrest us, and somebody from
the police force leaned over and
reminded Mr. Connor, "Mr. Connor, we
ain't got nowhere to put 'em." Ralph and I were hauled off by two
muscular policemen, clutching the backs of our shirts in handfuls.
All the others were promptly arrested. In jail Ralph and I were
separated from everyone else and later from each other.
For more than twenty-four
hours, I was held incommunicado, in solitary confinement. No one
was permitted to visit me, not even my lawyers. Those were the longest,
most frustrating and bewildering hours I have lived. Having no contact
of any kind, I was besieged with worry. How was the movement faring?
Where would Fred and the other leaders get the money to have our
demonstrators released? What was happening to the morale in the
I suffered no physical
brutality at the hands of my jailers. Some of the prison personnel
were surly and abusive, but that was to be expected in Southern
prisons. Solitary confinement, however, was brutal enough. In the
mornings the sun would rise, sending shafts of light through the
window high in the narrow cell which was my home. You will never
know the meaning of utter darkness until you have lain in such a
dungeon, knowing that sunlight is streaming overhead and still seeing
only darkness below. You might have thought I was in the grip of
a fantasy brought on by worry. I did worry. But there was more to
the blackness than a phenomenon conjured up by a worried mind. Whatever
the cause, the fact remained that I could not see the light.
When I had left my Atlanta
home some days before, my wife, Coretta, had just given birth to
our fourth child. As happy as we were about the new little girl,
Coretta was disappointed that her condition would not allow her
to accompany me. She had been my strength and inspiration during
the terror of Montgomery. She had been active in Albany, Georgia,
and was preparing to go to jail with the wives of other civil rights
leaders there, just before the campaign ended.
Now, not only was she confined to our home, but she was denied even the consolation of a telephone call from her husband. On the Sunday following our jailing, she decided she must do something. Remembering the call that John Kennedy had made to her when I was jailed in Georgia during the 1960 election campaign, she placed a call to the President. Within a few minutes, his brother, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, phoned back. She told him that she hay learned that I was in solitary confinement and was afraid for m safety. The attorney general promised to do everything he could to have my situation eased A few hours later President Kennedy him self called Coretta from Palm Beach, and assured her that he would look into the matter immediately. Apparently the President and his brother placed calls to officials in Birmingham; for immediately after Coretta heard from them, my jailers asked if I wanted to call he: After the President's intervention, conditions changed considerably.
Meanwhile, on Easter Sunday afternoon, two
of our attorney Orzell Billingsley and Arthur Shores, had been allowed
to visit m They told me that Clarence B. Jones, my friend and lawyer,
would be coming in from New York the following day. When they le
none of the questions tormenting me had been answered. Why Clarence
Jones arrived the next day, before I could even tell hi how happy
I was to see him, he said a few words that lifted a thousand pounds
from my heart:
"Harry Belafonte has been
able to raise fifty thousand dollars f bail bonds. It is available
immediately. And he says that whatever else you need, he will raise
I found it hard to say what I felt. Jones's message had brougt me more than relief from the immediate concern about mom more than gratitude for the loyalty of friends far away, more theconfirmation that the life of the movement could not be snuffed out What silenced me was a profound sense of awe. I was aware o feeling that had been present all along below the surface of consciousness, pressed down under the weight of concern for the movement: I had never been truly in solitary confinement. God's companionship does not stop at the door of a jail cell. God had been my cellmate. When the decision came-in Room 30 on Good Friday-that we must commit a faith act, God was there. And he was also present in a Fifth Avenue, New York City, apartment where a dedicated young star had worked night and day, telephoning everyone he could think of to demand that they send him some money for bail bonds in Alabama. In the midst of deepest midnight, daybreak had come. I did not know whether the sun was shining at that moment. But I knew that once again I could see the light.
The Estate of Martin Luther King, Jr.